Chile
despertó!

This analysis is intended to draw attention to a protest that is underrepresented in the Western media - the protest of the Chilean people. It is largely based on the elaboration of internet sourced video material but also on personally collected impressions on the ground.

We have tried to create a work that is as comprehensible as possible, with the aim of generating attention for the topic. Despite our efforts, we are aware that our elaboration is more a tracing than an all-encompassing comprehension of the situation from the inside. In other words, the reality of our lives and the resulting view from a Western European country does not allow us to claim empirical truth for our analysis.

To work on a project like this and depict, e.g. the weapons and ammunition of the armed state police as accurately and in as much detail as possible, is almost cynical when you consider that what you have just illustrated may have been used to kill people protesting. It is sometimes difficult to grasp, but enormously important to understand, that what we have worked on and what we had a look at, from an outside view, is the reality of many other people's lives.

Some of the objects and situations we have illustrated and described may be visually appealing, but the actual situations on the ground are not. Gustavo Gatica's statement: ‘Regalé mis ojos para que la gente despierte’ - ‘I gave my eyes so that people would wake up’. is not a subjunctive.

In the protests, Chile's people have to fear every day anew that they will fall victims to the violence inflicted by the state. They risk their lives on the way to more dignity and a better future. At this point, our project may be over, but the history of the Chilean people is still being written.

Since the 18th of October 2019, people in Chile have been taking to the streets. What started out as a 30 peso (3 cents (€)) increase in metro ticket prices in Santiago de Chile quickly turned into the largest nationwide protest in Chilean history. The protest, which was initially directed against the rich elites in the country and the high social injustice, developed over time into a concrete demand for a new constitution. But even after a referendum was held in favor of a new constitution, the protests did not cease completely.

The first actions were triggered by students of the Universidad de Chile, a university that had already attracted attention in the past due to student protests. The students called for a boycott of the payment of tickets and decided to jump over the turnstiles of the metro entrances as a form of mass civil disobedience. Chile has a long tradition of student movements protesting on behalf of the working population.

In 2019, the students succeeded in taking the protest out of the sphere of influence of the universities and began to expand it to other parts of the population. The conflict continued between the super-rich elites and the people who are disconnected from the political discourse.

The brutality of the Carabineros de Chile commanders' (more about the institution of the Carabineros can be found in the chapter ‘The Cops - the Carabineros de Chile’. The Carabineros, popularly known as Pacos, correspond to what we know as the police.) crackdown on protests in the metro stations sparked anger at the lack of awareness of the protesters' frustrations and demands. Correspondingly several metro stations were set on fire.

The public transport network was brought to a standstill in large parts of the city. As a result to that, the working population had no choice but to march home on foot. In a mega-metropolis like Santiago, with 5 million inhabitants, it already looked like a large-scale demonstration, when the working population was making their way home on foot.

Even though these walks were actually based on the need for mobility in the city. For many Chileans, the commute to work takes over an hour in a metro that is busy almost all the time. During rush hour, it is not uncommon for Chileans to have to wait for following trains to avoid being harshly crammed together. Contrary to what one might expect in Europe, the anger about the breakdown of the metro and the resulting delay combined with irregularities in everyday work, was not directed at the students who set fire to the metro entrances.

The working people blamed the private companies that control almost all areas of public life and annually increase the prices for electricity, water and public transport.

This is based on the fact that despite the continuous increase in the cost of living, the incomes of the working population have remained almost the same over the last decades and thus more and more Chileans of the middle class have been drifting into uncompensable debt.

The anger about the metro breakdown was not directed at the alleged ‘vandals’, but against the failed policies of the past 30 years, which is why the slogan ‘no son 30 pesos son 30 años’ - ‘it's not 30 pesos it's 30 years’ was increasingly used. The government seemed to have lost touch with the real lives of an overwhelming majority of the population, while at the same time politicians were enriching themselves on the backs of the entire Chilean population.

When President Sebastián Piñera, one of the richest Chileans ever, responded to the unrest in a televised speech, he claimed to be ‘at war with a powerful enemy’ and declared the state of emergency right after that speech.

This response to the actions of the protesters, who did not see themselves as enemies but as ordinary Chilean citizens, brought the barrel to overflow. ‘No estamos en guerra - estamos unidos’ - we are not at war, we are united - was the slogan under which they gathered all over Chile.

For the first time since the bloody Pinochet dictatorship, the military was on the public streets and intervening. This led to the largest nationwide protests in Chilean history on 25 October, with more than 1.5 million people mobilized in Santiago alone. Contrary to past protests, where mainly students were involved, the images of the Chilean military in Santiago's streets awakened the unresolved history of the older generations.

They joined the young ‘generation without fear’, who had not experienced the atrocities of the Pinochet dictatorship themselves, and demanded not only the reversal of the increase in metro fares but profound reforms. Hence a protest movement without leadership developed. People who had lost all trust, even in the opposition, united their demands as a common disposition of departure ‘por un Chile mejor’ - ‘for a better Chile’ and ‘una vida en dignidad’ - ‘a life in dignity’.

Thus, different groups demonstrated together on the streets for different reasons. Old people, for example, demonstrated mainly against the unjust, private pension system AFP. Women, who lead a very large, significant part of the demonstrations, protested for more equality, against ‘el machismo’ - ‘the male chauvinism’ and for a legal, safe and free abortion. The Mapuche, an indigenous group, that is also supported in their concerns by a large part of the population due to their ethnic affiliation, protested against their systematic oppression and the rightful preservation of their territory.

Young people started demonstrating for free education, equal opportunities and the abolition of the many neo-liberal principles enshrined in the constitution, that date back to the Pinochet dictatorship.

In addition, there are relatively young orphans who are fighting because they have nothing to lose anyway. These are not students or normal pupils, but kids who have been abandoned by politics and systematically abused by the Chilean state body called SENAME (Servicio Nacional de Menores). All together they support each other's demands and among each other they share many, such as ‘aguas libres’ - the de-privatisation of Chile's water resources.

Whole families were able to join the extremely creative, colorful protest, which was accompanied by music, dance, theatre and a new social framework developed within the communities. The ignition of these large protests and the associated riots are known in Chile as ‘el estallido’ - ‘the explosion’ - and illustrate the enormous force through which a new scale of protest suddenly emerged.

Led by a generation without fear, which is ready to fight for fundamental social change in the country, since 2006. This project focuses precisely on ‘la generación sin miedo’ - this ‘generation without fear’, which organized itself in non-hierarchical, heterogeneous groups, to facilitate the kind of protest that reflected the totality of the Chilean population. A front developed that rose up against the repressive powers of the Chilean state - la Primera Línea.

Our concept is to highlight the actors of the Primera Línea and to examine their interaction within space and with each other. The analysis refers to concrete spatial relationships, but also to the atmosphere, the tools used and interpersonal interaction. In this way, we will break down a network that seems chaotic at first glance, but slowly the roles of the individual actors will become clearly comprehensible.

The following pages illustrate the political development of Chile within the last decades - by means of a timeline.

In order to understand the buildup of tension leading up to the outburst of the Chilean people, we have to travel back in time almost 30 years to the beginning of the Pinochet dictatorship. The dictatorship in Chile was the result of a military coup by General Augusto Pinochet, who brought down the socialist government with the massive support of the U.S.A.. A large part of the Chilean population witnessed and/or fell victim to violent crimes committed by the military, whose goal was to establish a neoliberal economy and eradicate socialism.

These experiences became anchored in the collective memory of Chileans. The political and economic reforms allowed a few investors, some of them foreign, to enrich themselves on the Chilean market.

Increasing privatization, which did not even stop at the basic right of free disposal of water, plunged many Chileans after a small peak into serious poverty and caused fundamental deficiencies at the social levels of society. Indigenous populations such as the Mapuche were particularly affected by this social change. Health care, educational opportunities, social programs, and the pension system consistently eroded with the increasing capitalist development of the market, while a small number of upper class, wealthy investors managed to gain a great amount of power and influence.

Many of these influential investors expanded their activities into the political sphere, driving the country and its people further into abyss. Simultaneously, the discrepancy between the life of politicians and the actual reality of life for the majority of the population grew even further.

Confidence in political instruments to bring real change declined continuously, which can be seen in voter participation rates. Many Chileans consider the old constitution from the time of the Pinochet government to be one of the reasons for the country's social deficiencies. The escalation up to the explosion 2019, which puts all previous protests, in terms of their size and impact in shade, could be due to the fact that the President Piñera has declared a state of emergency during ongoing protests and therefore ordered military forces in the cities.

The presence of military units that suddenly appeared everywhere in urban areas and intervened in the protests, awakened memories of the military dictatorship in the population and added fuel to the fire of the newly sparked uprising.

The following timeline illustrates the individual key events before, during and after this explosion of protests and visualizes the successive events in relation to one another. Less with the claim to completeness, but with a focus on the most important elements to be able to classify and understand the overall event.

In the context of the increasing riots, also a media interest in the protest and its actors developed quickly. This media image is basically divided into two camps. On the one hand the independent protest-related online presence of various Instagram & Facebook accounts as well as groups in messenger services and on the other hand the reporting of the conservative-national press, in which to a large extent the voices of the politicians are reproduced. The positions of these two reporters differ contrarily. In the conservative-national press and also on behalf of the president, there is repeated talk of two different types of demonstrators within the protests. The peaceful democratic citizens and the violent vandals.

As a response to this, ‘la tele miente’ - ‘the television lies’ is a widely used graffiti. We would like to deal with this distinction into two possible protest groups in the framework of elaboration. Our hypothesis is that a distinction between these two types of protesters is fundamentally impossible. The different forms of protest are mutually dependent and supportive, and are interrelated both in space and in theme. In fact, the Primera Línea is not the violent front of the demonstration, but its shield, precursor, and part of the wholesome network that is in turn sustained by the peaceful demonstration.

What role does the Primera Línea play in the protests? Who are its actors and what influence does their presence have on the protest space around Plaza Dignidad?

In today's protest movements, the smartphone plays an increasingly important role. It is not only a constant companion and documentation tool for protest events, but also forms a network of socially entangled interactions.

Chilean youth, who grew up under the neoliberal economic system of the Chicago Boys, are strongly under U.S. influence and, similar to other technologized countries, are ultra highly connected via social media such as Whatsapp, Instagram, Twitter, and co. Events can be broadcast live on the relevant platforms at any time by almost all protesters. The often highly emotionally charged images that are posted and shared in turn influence further protest events, as can be seen on the timeline shown earlier.

During the first months of the protests, entire social media channels emerged that showed a different view of proceedings than the pro-government media. There are heroic promo videos of the Primera Línea, which also glorify the violent confrontations with the police, and again others, that similar to the ‘mainstream’ media try to negatively instrumentalize the looting and destruction associated with the unrest to the demands of the protest movement.

So in order to get your own picture, you can observe videos and photographs depicting the protest events over a period of weeks, even months, and that's exactly what we did. In doing so, we first saved some videos relevant to our thesis and watched them over and over again. Each time we watched them, we noticed something new, which we processed in different programs.

The most relevant videos on which we base our analysis can be traced with the help of footnotes, e.g. 1 in the list of sources. In this way, it is possible to understand the basis of our work for oneself. In the appendix, found in the list of sources there is a fold-out page with QR codes which lead to the most relevant videos, but beware - trigger warning: some of the pictures and videos contain very explicit/violent real footage and should not be watched in the presence of children.

Through a movement analysis in the form of a heat map, we were able to show that dynamic movements in the square decreased as the protest events increased. So we had to approach the subject matter differently.

By gathering various video recordings of the side streets, we manually portrayed the occurrence and the roles of the individual actors of the Primera Línea. This extremely time-consuming and sometimes psychologically stressful work enabled us to pursue our goal.

We then compared our visual findings with voices on the ground, from articles and interviews, and used them to present a broken down snapshot of the actions of individual characters in the Primera Línea. The observed situation is composed of the analysis of snapshots from the period November 2019 to March 2020 and takes place in the ‘Zona Cero’ in the immediate surroundings of Plaza Dignidad, the symbolic center of the protest.

Through the analysis, elaboration and compilation of the actors, we were able to establish that the Primera Línea forms a new typology of protest, which through targeted action makes a large diverse peaceful protest space possible in the first place. Its decentralized organization, fearlessness, and division of labor into different thematic and spatial areas makes it possible to assert itself against the hierarchical order of the state. In this project we have identified the following eight actors:

los-escuderos - the shield-bearers; los-penasqueros - the stone-throwers; los-honderos - the slingshots; los-mineros - the miners; los-antigases - the anti-gas-troops; los-hidratadores - the hydrating troops; los-medicos - the paramedics; los-punteros - the laserpointers;

In addition to the eight actors, the construction of barricades precedes everything else, in which all actors participate equally to initiate the protest. The barricade builders are thus not an actor in themselves, but a symbiosis of all of them. All the actors, in their specific tasks, help to make the peaceful protest possible. It is important to note that all actions taken by the protesters arise out of necessity.

The division of work among the respective groups, emerges from a new situation every day, which is why there is no single, clearly defined image of a group of the Primera Línea. Unlike the hierarchy of the Carabineros, there is no leader of the protest.

All of the actors involved decide, depending on the repression by the Carabineros, whether and in what position they want to be an active part of the Primera Línea. Personal attitudes as well as personal experiences with state power are decisive. A person who was initially pacifist, such as the shield bearer, can develop into an actively violent person during the protest process, or return to being a demonstrator who is completely apart from the front line.

The roles of the actors are not fixed but can change constantly during a day of protest. If the frontliners notice that there is not enough cover against the shots of the Carabineros, a street sign is dismantled and a stone thrower turns into a sign bearer and the other way around.

Therefore, there is no predefined strategy. Based on the repression by the Carabineros, different tactics develop over the days of protest according to experience and necessity.The Primera Línea actors also include another network of supporters of this form of protest - a broad part of the population approves of the Primera Línea's actions. In their eyes, the frontline actors are sacrificing themselves for the rest of the protest.

The repressive measures of the state were exhausted against the Primera Línea, and only in this way countless rallies, performances and other events can take place in the peaceful protest space. The ‘segunda linea’ includes people who cook for the Primera Línea, make music, take care of their needs and create a social fabric in the middle of all this chaos.

Through the protest, people have found each other who otherwise would never have met, which has created new dynamics far beyond the protest.

Some of Santiago's main streets intersect here. Among them are Avenida Providencia, Avenida Libertador General Bernardo O'Higgins (known as Alameda) and Avenida Vicuña Mackenna. There is also a tunnel entrance to the Costanera Norte highway in the immediate vicinity.

The surrounding streets of the square are referred to as ‘Zona Zero’ and are important for our analysis of the protest events.

As shown in the movement analysis on the previous pages, the movement dynamics in the square continue to decrease as the protest action progresses. On the one hand, this is due to the surge of people and the opening up of physically empty space, but it is also related to the fact that the dynamic fronts of the confrontation shift to the peripheral areas in order to enable and maintain the protest events in the center of the square, as already described.

In our analysis, the central location for these confrontations of the Primera Línea was the intersection west of the square Av Libertador Bernardo O'Higgins - Ramón Corvalán Melgarejo and southwest of the intersection Vicuña Mackenna - Carabineros de Chile. This may be due to the fact that located about 1 km to the southwest is, among other things, the Department of Supply of the Carabineros de Chile. In comparison, a much denser cluster of police infrastructure can be located to the west of the square, than to the north or east of it. In our analysis, we will primarily focus on the intersection to the west of the square.

In principle, the Primera Línea is located in the periphery of the nonviolent protest. The borders between violent and non-violent protest are not static at any moment, but are constantly changing. As peaceful protesters participate situationally in frontline security, the transitions between those involved in the Primera Línea and the rest of the protest blur almost seamlessly.

With the help of 3D programs, we were able to recreate the exact local conditions and schematically enter the individual characters into the overall view.

During the analysis of image- and videofootage, we noticed some recurring symbols that we consider interesting and relevant to the protest, from a design point of view. The symbols illustrate demands and also the orientation and composition of the protest’s participants. They shape the visual appearance of the movement within the media, as well as the environment itself, and thus also mirror the attitude of the movement.

Countless pieces of art can be admired in the streets of all major cities. A lot of the symbols also appear within the Primera Línea, as accessories or painted on objects. The following is a list of what we consider to be the most important symbols and their meanings.

Since the Primera Línea rose in all major Chilean cities, not all of these photos and sequences are from Santiago. In the context of our work however, this is not of great importance, since we show an exemplary picture of a constantly changing situation.

The protesters are opposed by an armed military police force, whose founding in 1927 dates back to the first military dictatorship under Carlos Ibáñez del Campo. It is divided into the uniformed police Carabineros de Chile, the criminal police Policía de Investigaciones de Chile (PDI) and the Special Operations Forces (GOPE). Its members have ‘enjoyed’ military training and are similarly hierarchical and organized in military grades and ranks.

Although since 2011 the institution is no longer under the Ministry of National Defense but has been incorporated into the Ministry of the Interior and Public Security, the Carabineros de Chile are still considered part of the Armed Forces and can be directly integrated into the military forces in the event of a state of emergency, for example.

The Carabineros de Chile are subject to the code of military justice and internal regulations, which results in even less prosecution and adjudication for disobeying the law than this is already the case for police officers in general. In a leaked audio file from November 2019, General Director Mario Rozas also tells employees, ‘No one will be fired for police procedure.’ Furthermore, the so-called ‘Pacos’ receive a separate health and pension system that functions much better than the one for all other Chileans'.

The anger of the population at the so-called guardians of order and the homeland is understandably great. In addition to ‘Pacogate’, the largest corruption scandal in Chile's history in 2016, the systematic murder of indigenous people, leaked documents and several cover-up affairs, the Carabineros de Chile have been under massive criticism for decades, especially in dealing with protests.

Although Chile is a member of the ICCPR and the American Convention on Human Rights, the right to peaceful assembly, freedom of association and freedom of expression are systematically violated by the Carabineros de Chile. The Pacos have long been notorious for their excessive use of force. With 34 people dead, including many who lost their lives due to the violence of the Carabineros, a new negative record can be recorded since the Pinochet dictatorship, which underlines the severity.

In 2019 alone, after the protests surrounding ‘el estallido’ on October 18, there were 3,649 injuries to protesters, including 269 children, according to the Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos (INDH). 372 people suffered injuries or trauma to their eyes, with 33 people even losing the organ, according to the report.

In addition to the armored riot gear uniform including a helmet, shield and baton, the Carabineros de Chile have resorted to other ‘non-lethal’ weapons during the protest. These include, for example, pepper spray canisters (SABRE RED) with pistol grip, but also two different CONDOR brand gas grenades. One of them bursts into 3 parts on impact, so as to affect as many people as possible with the poison.

In addition, rifles (37mm launchers) are used with which similar gas projectiles with a higher range can be fired. We have also identified rifles of the brand PEPPERBALL. This weapon fires projectiles the size of a marble, encased in a robust plastic shell containing 3g of irritant gas.

So, in addition to penetrating the skin, it also irritates the eyes of the affected persons, who often have to struggle with disorientation as a result. Especially in the first month and a half, the Carabineros also used various anti-riot shotguns loaded with miscellaneous 18mm projectiles. Even if the ammunition of these guns is called rubber bullets, these ‘non-lethal’ projectiles are not always made of solid rubber.

In the course of investigation, projectiles were identified that had a rubber content of only 20%. Besides with a shotgun, it is not possible to aim accurately, because the projectiles scatter vigorously. A person becoming a threat to the Carabineros can therefore not be rendered harmless individually, and injuries to uninvolved, non-violent persons almost always occur.

According to the manufacturers of the ammunition, it is also only allowed to fire at waist level, as otherwise the non-lethal projectiles can become lethal. However, the Carabineros also increasingly fired over the shields of the protesters, that is, at face level, which explains the frequency of eye injuries. After the publication of a report by the UN and the resulting ban on these projectiles, the Carabineros resorted to alternative projectiles, such as the so-called bean bag, which is also heavily criticized and not even listed within their protocols.

All manufacturers of these weapons and ammunition provide instructions on the ‘correct’ use of these weapons and at the same time warn about possible consequences, if the warnings are not followed.

Accordingly, gas grenades and shotgun ammunition must not be fired at face level and only at a sufficient distance. However, in many of the videos analyzed, we were able to determine that indiscriminate shooting was taking place from almost all positions and distances. In addition, we were able to observe the use of live ammunition in at least 2 videos. This also coincides with the investigative articles (Amnesty International, INDH) that have already reported on the excessive use of armed force, including the use of lethal ammunition against unarmed demonstrators. Our visualisations do not include the military who were mobilized onto the streets during the state of emergency.

The fundamental equipment of the Carabineros includes a vehicle fleet consisting of various vehicles that are used for diverse purposes. It is particularly noticeable that different vehicles appear in video recordings after the curfews imposed by Covid-19 than before. The most recent additions are white water cannons from a Turkish manufacturer. Apparently, the time in lockdown and the flattening of the protests was used to upgrade the police fleet.

The fleet can be divided into vehicles of different types. In addition to the following mentioned in the vehicle fleet, the Carabineros have helicopters that fly over the protests on a daily basis to monitor their progress. Additionally, video drones complete the aerial footage needed for surveillance.

tear gas vehicles: the vehicles called ‘Zorillo’ by the Chileans are the smallest and most manoeuvrable of the 4-tire fleet. They are armored vehicles that have a hatch on each side from which tear gas flows out. The goal of the Zorillos is to disperse crowds by driving towards them and distributing tear gas in the protest space. The protesters therefore usually try to limit the visibility of the drivers (with paint bombs and lasers), to block the gas hatches or to completely disable the vehicles with Molotov cocktails. If this happens, the Zorillos enlist the help of the water cannons to clean windows or put out fires.

water cannons: The armored water cannons, called ‘Guanaco’, have water tanks with up to 5000l capacity. They come in different types and sizes and are used to disperse crowds with a strong jet of water and sometimes to extinguish sources of fire on other police vehicles or barricades. Some of the water is laced with chemicals and is often ‘shot' at protesters from a short distance at very high pressure. The consequences on the part of the protesters include burns on the skin to serious eye injuries.

The map also explains where the actors, described at the beginning (shown with different symbols) are located in each temporal phase. It also shows the place where the stones were cut from the sidewalk to defend and push back the Carabineros, and also where the medical care of the people injured in the front line takes place. In addition, it shows the movement of the Carabineros in three temporal intervals.

Since the overlays of the characters result in a similarly diffuse, opaque picture as the video sequences themselves, Offense, Defense, Medical Support and the Carabineros are presented individually on the following pages. This thematic separation of the collective is intended to make the tasks and movements in the specific example easier to understand.

In order to be able to understand the movements of all actors over time, the three temporal phases can be viewed individually and once again, as an overall picture. The offensive is formed by the movements of the throwers and slingers together with the material support of the miners. The defense shows the shield bearers, the laser pointers and the antigas-troops opposing the repressions of the Pacos. On the medical support page, paramedics and hydrating troops can be observed individually, as well as their collaboration. Opposite to them is the visualization of the Carabineros, which in this particular case has to go into retreat.

Afterwards, we can look at all the actors combined in the three temporal phases that have been worked out, individually and layered consecutively . With the help of transparent paper, we want to break down the at first glance obscure tumult, in detail. The individual layers can be viewed separately or superimposed, in interaction with other actors. A white fold-in page enables a closer look at the particular view of single pages of the tracing paper.

Even after the successful referendum that led to the development of a new constitution, the protests in Chile continue. Even though the scale of the riots and gatherings of large crowds has decreased, clashes between Carabineros and demonstrators continue. It is still common to gather at Plaza Dignidad, especially on Fridays, and try to conquer the symbolic place in the struggle against the Carabineros. Even with a smaller number of people, the demonstrators succeed again and again.

The political agenda of the protesters nowadays is mainly focused on solidarity with prisoners who were arrested during the protests of the last two years. The movement demands their release as well as justice for the protesters who were injured by the Carabineros and those who died.

Even if the prospect of a new constitution could appease a broad section of the masses and bring about a return to everyday life under COVID conditions, some Chileans have doubts that the new constitution can meet their demands for a more just and social society. Since their trust in politics is very low, the next referendum will decide who will be allowed to work on a new constitution.

In the first round of voting on 25 October 2020, the people elected an ‘asamblea constituyente’, a constitutional institution composed not only of politicians but also of representatives of the people. Due to the fact that politicians have signed up for the nomination, that have previously publicly expressed their aversion to a new constitution, doubts are growing as to whether real change can be achieved.

In addition, the pandemic has Chile firmly in its grip so that no major protests can take place. This is particularly fatal in the sense that large physical gatherings are an important part of communicating and sharing knowledge with each other. The vote on who will be part of this constitutional convention will take place on April 11th, 2021.

At this point we want to give the word to voices from the Chilean people themselves. The following quotations are texts from Chilean friends, written in January 2021. We have made every effort to translate the statements according to their meaning and not to change their intention. Nevertheless, due to the editing process, individual passages may not come out with the accuracy with which the authors wrote them in their native language.

At this point we would like to thank everyone who has supported us in the realization of this project.

Thank you for your time, suggestions and professional expertise.